Britain's finance minister has tackled this week's spending review comparable to a reluctant swimmer edging into freezing water, attempting to lessen the discomfort through gradual immersion.
She began addressing the challenge of limited income towards the end of summer. To begin with, she would not to stand by former assertions that increases in taxation in the prior year's financial statement would be the final ones.
Then, earlier this month, she took a more significant step into the freezing sea. Her address promised to "do what is necessary" to finance public services and control debt expenses down.
After 10 days, the finance ministry had pulled back the implication. The election promise was upheld in the end. Like every freezing-water dipper knows, this cancelled immersion and trembling retreat is the most painful of all methods. No strategy extends the pain like uncertainty.
It's hard to be firm when choosing between degrees of self-inflicted injury.
Optimism has not been a effective tactic for the administration. Fundamental of Keir Starmer's election bid was the unrealistic expectation of in some way satisfying citizens' call for better state services without reversing billions of pounds of Tory revenue decreases.
Not once has both Starmer or Reeves effectively conveyed a impression of collective goal to explain all this hardship. To some extent that is a challenge of charisma. The prime minister and the chancellor are uncannily similar in their poor communication skills, awkward and unforthcoming in a way that drives the public off instead of pulling them in.
In the same way that public demand to invest in government services has compelled the Treasury to concede that levies must rise, the commercial requirement of boosting growth makes it ever harder to ignore the cost of separation from the continental trading bloc.
The government used a year experimenting in the early stages of realignment with the European Union: plans to remove customs checks on agricultural goods; a student movement initiative. Ambition went a bit deeper on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but nothing of substance has to date been finalized.
Without specific instruction and drive from Downing Street, discussions are stuck. EU officials says single-market privileges are unlocked with contributions to the continental treasury. UK ministers are aware that's the arrangement. That doesn't make them enthusiastic for a open dispute and political opponents screaming betrayal over whatever price ends up being paid.
Financial circumstances has caused some change in the administration's rhetoric on the European question. The chancellor has begun naming leaving Europe alongside the Covid pandemic as a reason of economic damage that the Treasury is striving to fix. Cabinet members have done the same, although they cautiously attribute the blame to "poor negotiation terms" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The issue of Britain's long-term partnership with the EU can't be reduced to administrative modifications and customs systems when the global political landscape is in significant transformation. Given everything that has happened since the Brexit vote, it feels appropriate still to be posing the fundamental issue: were the UK's priorities served by leaving the European Union?
These represent sobering, challenging facts about the nation's predicament in choppy global circumstances. It is expected that both leaders shy away from the task. It would take them way out of their depth, into trends that they will not swim against. So rather they carry on apprehensively walking the water's edge, praying that possibly in the near future the tide will shift.
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Elizabeth Davila
Elizabeth Davila
Elizabeth Davila
Elizabeth Davila