On the very date Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This relatively brief report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest claim that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of disaster and ruin."
Even though the strategy mostly formalizes the ongoing actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave caution for the world, and for the European continent specifically.
The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its language seems lifted directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to reclaim its cultural self-confidence." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the genuine and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free speech and stifling of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces strong enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, free speech, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ individual character and history."
These arguments carry powerful overtones of two theories regarded as foundational for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nationalist fantasy contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
Put simply, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
This is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally realize that the situation is serious. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to respond appropriately.
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